“And if we tie a donkey, they will vote for us, because everyone loves Slavi” – the beginning, but probably the end of the ITN show
Four months after the start of the quadruple coalition, the third force in it demanded everything. And if Skopje’s EU membership and weapons for Ukraine resonate most strongly with the disputes between those in power, the appetite of “There is such a people” and its leader Slavi Trifonov to control (almost) all important bodies in the country is a more dangerous process. for the relationship between them.
So far, the categorical reluctance of the showman politician’s party to remove Lubomir Karimanski as head of the BNB has cracked the partnership between the four formations.
But the voltage of tension in power is growing every day and along with other stated appetites. The scandal surrounding the promotion of Martin Karbowski to the CEM led to his resignation. The way to appoint their general director of BNT was going through the media regulator, after they have already openly stated that they will remove Koshlukov at any cost.
It is already being said on the sidelines of the parliament that Iva Miteva has an unshakable ambition to become a constitutional judge. There, the quota is also unfilled.
Against this background, Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister of ITN Grozdan Karadzhov last Friday
personally led protest against your own government
of road builders, who that day blocked the whole country with heavy equipment on key passes, highways and in front of the National Assembly.
The stake is BGN 1 billion, as it became clear to everyone. The supposedly most resourceful ministry that Slavi’s party wanted to receive suddenly ran out of money, and this is definitely a guarantee for the stability of the coalition.
Because apart from being an excellent showman and now a politician, Trifonov has always been famous as a person with business acumen and attitude towards the material. Therefore, it is not surprising for people close to him that the problem with the blocked money of the regional ministry is really serious.
And when some problems cannot be articulated with the people they are stuck with, the situation becomes even more difficult.
Trifonov’s non-appearance in the coalition’s leadership format obviously does not reflect well on her. So far
he has met with other leaders a few times
including one of his online videos.
In recent months, even a few of his closest lawmakers have seen him in person, most likely due to health problems. Toshko Yordanov (who finds it increasingly difficult to adhere to etiquette), Iva Miteva or party secretary Victoria Vasileva are sent to the meetings. However, they do not have the authority to deviate from the positions ordered by Slavi. And he communicates with partners and voters only through Facebook – a new way of conducting politics by a new player in the field party chairman.
Two years ago, he formed a party stubbornly – after a refusal to register, in defiance of the entire system and the “status quo parties”. He wanted something different. Well, he succeeded – he created the first formation in history, which in just one year went from a mandate holder to a fifth political force, and its sociologists predict an even greater collapse.
The party “There is such a people” for its two years of existence has failed to build strong structures in places. Contrary to expectations for this type of formation, there is not even the cult of personality of the leader known in Bulgarian parties.
It seems that not only the external communication of the ITN is not going well, but also the internal one. Even before going to her first election, she began to lose local municipal coordinators, such as
the last resignation was thrown before a few days
from the leader for Plovdiv – Ivaylo Vassilev. And only 2 weeks after taking over from the departed Nikolina Despotova. Everyone leaves here with one motive – the decisions come from Sofia, there is no communication.
They also feel underestimated, and when Despotova herself explained this to the incumbent leader Toshko Yordanov, she received an answer: “Even if I had tied two toads, Plovdiv would have voted for us because it loves Slavi.”
It is this confidence that whatever Slavi’s circle does, it will be accepted, is the party foundation, but also the beginning of the end of his show as a manager.
Even when he entered parliament with a majority last summer, Trifonov relied on his party as a mandate holder to “deserve” the support of the rest of the cabinet, and they should broadcast it no matter what. He refused negotiations and did the unthinkable – he ordered a cabinet headed by Nikolay Vassilev even before the CEC announced the results. And without telling those he relied on to support him – DB, IBGNI and BSP. To this day, there is no explanation for how he chose the ministers whose names surprised his own deputies.
To this day, there is no explanation for how he chose the ministers whose names surprised his own deputies.
The big scandal came after the DB insisted on keeping some of the caretaker ministers from Rumen Radev’s first cabinet. Trifonov told how he invited Kiril Petkov and Asen Vassilev to his government, but they set conditions for him that he did not like. Petkov came up with another thesis – Nikolai Vassilev did not like Asen Vassilev and his financial policy. And despite all this exchange of remarks, it was from ITN that the attack on the current Deputy Prime Minister, that he had stolen the company of a partner, started. Ironically, 5 months later, Trifonov is still their coalition partner.
Not only the arrogant moves turned out to be a problem for the party, but also
the strange bank footage that Trifonov put it down on the table
despite his vows to offer only specialists. After the fiasco with Niki Vassilev, he took out of his sleeve the unknown Plamen Nikolov for prime ministerial candidate, a representative of a company for swimming articles. He described himself as an “intercontinental” businessman. He was withdrawn hours before his cabinet voted in parliament, on the grounds that he would be supported by GERB and MRF, but in fact because of the dissatisfaction of other parties in the anti-Boyko coalition. In a step, Slavi’s people also created the legal case of how, after the mandate is accepted and the party has handed over its full folder with the names of the president, the cabinet can be withdrawn.
The case with Petar Iliev also cast a dark shadow. First nominated for Minister of Justice, and later for Interior Minister, the lawyer was declared a plagiarist, but arrogantly dismissed all doubts about his identity. In the end, the ethics commission of Sofia University confirmed the intellectual theft.
The launch of unacceptable candidacies continued to the cabinet of “Change”. Publicly, while the negotiations were going on, Slavi announced that he was “humble” and would negotiate because there was already a need for a government. However, it turned out that this humility was marked by a number of agreements for various positions and appointments.
One of the attempts was for Iva Miteva to become head of the 47th National Assembly. Then it became clear that she
leads own campaign
among other parliamentary groups. She did not succeed, but last year Miteva became a doctor of constitutional law and now, under the angry eyes of the other partners, she is again probing outside the coalition to wear the toga of a judge in the Constitutional Court.
There was also a scandal over the post of foreign minister. He was much desired by the PP who saw Daniel Lorer in him. However, ITN did not give up and after the young Pavela Mitova was not approved (another strange staffing), Teodora Genchovska went to the Foreign Office. She continued the line of scandals, appointing three former DS employees to the political cabinet in her early days. They were quickly expelled after coalition tensions. Now the lady is quite entangled in the case of Northern Macedonia.
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