Remo Casilli via Reuters
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And therefore, in the game of “who won”, “who lost”, which is the falling point, in the end the green pass, a measure branded as a liberticide by Salvini, who on the subject suffers, and not a little, the howls of Meloni, stronger than his own, and the contradictions of a two-faced party, pragmatic with the governors, ideological with the parliamentarians in the no vax squares. However, and this is not a detail, the green pass is extended to a lesser extent than the expectations raised in Mario Draghi’s decision-making press conference, both with respect to “when” it will come into effect and “where”. Compared to then, the discussion on the mandatory nature of vaccines for some categories, such as teachers, has disappeared from the agenda, or at least has been postponed.
The combination of the two gives the sense of mediation, which perhaps also includes the absence of the premier’s conference, which gives the sense of a not extraordinary passage, but presented by the competent ministers as the updating of a work in progress: the result is a “more advanced” equilibrium point, but always in the given conditions. It is not little what Salvini suffers and that exposes him to the fierce competition on his right and to the overall image of a failure compared to slogans and attitudes to which he hangs. But the tiring gradualness that the Northern League leader can claim is not insignificant either. In short, there is no forcing announced by Draghi who, on the eve of the two crucial steps of the last two weeks – justice and green pass – had given the sense of a dramatization, putting the question in extreme terms: “an appeal to not getting vaccinated is a call to die, ”he said, and therefore all that slows down vaccine induction is a sinister failure.
Precisely the reversal of priorities – the launch of the measures on the health emergency after the justice reform – and the results of the two dossiers – the mediation on the first with the Five Stars, who had presented over nine hundred amendments and on the second with the League, which has tabled over nine hundred amendments – photographs a change of phase, compared to the first six months of the government. The phase of “there is Draghi, arrived on the collapse of the parties, who decides, by virtue of this structural data and the surplus of personal authority, and there are the parties with their flags, which they can only accept” closed .
Now there is Draghi, whose government is not and will not be in question, for the same reasons, but the risk of permanent negotiations hangs over the government itself, as happened with both dossiers. There was much less negotiation when the premier pulled straight a few months ago, even in the face of the abstention of the Northern League ministers in the CDM. It was perhaps inevitable that the blank semester strengthened the precarious elements and management difficulties. It became even more so by putting the discussion on justice before measures on the pandemic, because in this way the passage was presented as “ordinary” and not as a pitched battle, in the name of the emergency on which to rely on a “I decide” in the direct relationship with the country. Precisely the overcoming of the Pillars of Hercules of the negotiation on Justice, which was approved only in a branch of Parliament and not definitively – which would have given the sense of equal urgency – has legitimized Salvini’s room for maneuver, for the series “Why can you deal with them and not with me?”. And from now on it will always be like this, because the white semester clears the field of the possibility of an out-of-control crisis. That is, the element of the political prevalence of the government is emerging and, with it, the realistic evaluation of the balance of power. Which is an even more fundamental question. Realism, for Draghi, is the awareness that he cannot break with the center-right and with Salvini, for reasons relating to the eventuality of the quirinal perspective – in a possible vote by Draghi al Colle is Salvini or Conte more reliable? – is more generally to the stability of the political framework.
Because, net of the ostentatious pancetta at Papeete, of the noisy facebook direct and some drama, the substance is that Salvini is holding on to the government. For now he is taking charge of the huge immigration dossier, the real Achilles heel of the government, of which no one is talking about at the moment, not even the right-wing newspapers so as not to embarrass the Northern League leader. But the Libyan travels of Di Maio and Lamorgese in Libya or Draghi’s telephone conversation with the President of the Tunisian Republic, Kais Saied, have been uncovered only in the last three days. Imagine, to have the counter-proof, if Salvini had been in opposition (or at the Interior Ministry) in the face of the impetuous resumption of the landings in progress. As long as it can hold up only with flag activism and until the government can afford a “non-choice” with respect to the system followed so far is the question around which the real fuse of the system takes shape. Which suggests, as on the green pass, balancing operations and advises against radical positions towards the League. It is political, in its pure state.
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