This time the tension between Pd and M5s is such that a dem senator underlines: “Other than wide field, we will have to go on our knees to Carlo Calenda and ask him to ally with us”.
The episode that acts as a detonator is apparently confined to a minor issue: in the Senate, where the examination of the maneuver is beginning, the Five Stars have messed up the agreement already reached with the dems on who will be the partisan speaker Giallorossi: it had to be Vasco Errani di Leu. But now the grillini want that place. And the problem is that the order to open the guerrilla warfare against the allies came directly from Giuseppe Conte, perhaps out of revenge on the Rai case, perhaps to show Gigino Di Maio that Giuseppi is the one who counts. Today a meeting of the majority group leaders will be held to find a solution, but the political fact is that the break between Nazareno and former Prime Minister Grillino has never been so strong. “Alliances are not built with arrogance,” warns Andrea Marcucci.
And this is very worrying, all the more in view of the vote on the Quirinale. And in a certain sense it also removes, on the left, that desire for early urns (perhaps after having brought Draghi to the Hill) that Matteo Renzi attributes, among others, to Enrico Letta. Both because, as Enrico Borghi of the dem secretariat notes, “we cannot make the mistake of mistaking the result of the administrative offices as a viaticum for politics”. And then because now, another authoritative member of the Democratic Party explains, “we need even more time to build a coalition, given that focusing on Conte as an ally is proving very reckless”. And for the Quirinale “we will have to work on a very large solution”, otherwise the mayonnaise risks going crazy.
Which brings us back to Draghi, because it is clear to everyone that if the premier decides to be on the pitch, no one could say no to him. While an encore by Mattarella seems increasingly difficult, even if there are those, like Matteo Orfini, who say that the Democratic Party should “vote for him from the very first ballot”, instead of waiting for the sinking of every other hypothesis to force beg him to stay. “We cannot hope for a heart attack in the system to reconfirm it against his will.” According to ministers who are very close to Draghi – see Giancarlo Giorgetti – the premier “can no longer stand the mess that surrounds him”, the circus of political half-clicks in search of visibility and political future that hinder or water down the reforms, and eschew any responsible choice that involves a political cost. In short, Draghi – according to many of his followers – can’t wait to leave Palazzo Chigi and go up to Colle. And those same snipers who could pin him for fear that, without his government, he would rush to vote, know that their gesture would be a boomerang, because the government would dissolve anyway. This is why many are convinced that what Renzi says is partly true: Letta, and with him Salvini, Meloni, perhaps the Count himself, are preparing the ground for his election. Also because Letta, insinuates a Frenchman, “is in a panic because he thinks that the candidacy of Berlusconi really arrives in the classroom, who – with the guarantee of not dissolving the Chambers – could also win votes outside the center-right”. For this reason there are also struggles over other solutions: from Giuliano Amato, who could have many cross votes (he was Berlusconi’s candidate twice) to Paolo Gentiloni, giving the center-right the post of EU commissioner in exchange.
–
