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Russian Intelligence Services: Avoiding Accountability After the War

by Lucas Fernandez – World Editor

The Fractured Shield:⁢ Assessing Russia’s Intelligence ‌Services and the ​War in Ukraine

The war in Ukraine has exposed deep fissures within Russia’s intelligence ⁢services (RIS) ‌- the FSB, GRU, and SVR – revealing not‍ just operational‌ shortcomings, ​but a systemic dysfunction that is ​likely to persist and even intensify. While the West might anticipate a period of introspection​ and reform, the reality‌ is far more ⁤complex: ‌the FSB, in particular, is⁤ poised ⁤to increase its power despite demonstrable failures.

Throughout the ⁤conflict, the​ FSB has been ⁣publicly ⁤lauded in⁣ Russian⁢ media for‌ “actions that cannot be ⁢disclosed,” a vague commendation that masks a lack of tangible success.‍ The agency’s 16th‌ center spearheads cyber operations against Ukraine, yet⁢ these attacks ​have failed to significantly shift the ‍war’s trajectory. Despite bolstering ‌its ranks ⁢with hackers from ⁣Russia’s criminal underworld, the “battle over ⁢bytes” has yielded no ​decisive victory for russian cyber capabilities.

The war ⁣will likely have the most profound impact​ on ‍the FSB, but not in the form of‍ accountability. Its ⁢core function – securing Vladimir Putin’s rule through its role as a domestic security apparatus -​ ensures its continued prominence within the Russian bureaucratic hierarchy. FSB Director Alexander Bortnikov, holding the rank of full General despite a non-military background,‍ enjoys ⁢a status ⁣that surpasses ‌even seasoned military leaders.

This pattern‍ of avoiding ⁤repercussions ‍for failure⁢ is deeply ingrained. ‌The FSB⁢ historically leads ​investigations into⁣ major ⁣security incidents – including the⁤ 2002 Nord-Ost theater siege, the 2004 Beslan school hostage⁢ crisis, and ‍the recent 2024 Crocus City Hall terrorist attack -⁢ events all ⁢marked by ⁢significant intelligence and operational lapses. ⁤ Instead of accepting blame, the FSB presents itself ⁣as the agency⁤ responsible⁣ for damage control, effectively shielding itself from meaningful scrutiny.

Crucially, Russia lacks a cohesive “intelligence‍ community” comparable to that of the United States. The ‌internal rivalries within the RIS are far more pronounced and debilitating. ⁤This fractured landscape, however, presents opportunities for Western intelligence agencies. The war⁢ has created incentives for personnel across‌ all RIS services to consider defection, driven by disillusionment with leadership and the loss of colleagues ​fighting‌ a demonstrably flawed war. Combined ‌with the pervasive⁢ corruption within Russia, these factors create a fertile ground for⁣ espionage.

However,the West should ‍not expect ​the ⁣RIS to act as⁣ a deterrent to⁢ future conflict. Instead, they​ are more‍ likely to foment further aggression. Understanding the RIS’s failures is paramount, but equally crucial is anticipating‌ how these agencies will‌ interpret those failures ⁢- and what lessons they will (or won’t) learn. As the​ current⁣ war concludes, Putin ‍may contemplate⁣ further interventions, whether in⁤ Europe, Ukraine, or elsewhere.

To effectively counter these potential⁣ actions,⁢ the US and its allies must meticulously ‌study the RIS​ playbook, analyzing both their attempted operations and their dramatic shortcomings. ‍ Only​ through a complete understanding of these ​dynamics⁣ can ⁤we prepare for the next iteration of FSB, GRU, and SVR tactics designed‌ to encourage and support future⁤ conflict.

(Disclaimer: All statements of fact,opinion,or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official positions or views of ​the ​US ⁣Government. Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting ‌or implying US Government ‌authentication of information‌ or ‌endorsement of the author’s views.)

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