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Why Latin Americans are embracing mano duro security policy

Latin America Turns too ‘Mano Dura‘ as‍ Violence Escalates

Mexico City – Across Latin America, a growing wave of governments are adopting or doubling down on “mano dura” – an “iron fist” – security policies, marked by increased militarization,⁣ tougher penalties, and a focus on repression⁢ to combat soaring crime rates. From Ecuador‘s recent declaration⁣ of internal armed conflict to​ renewed deployments ⁤of the ⁢military in Mexico and a ​surge in state of emergency declarations, the region ⁤is witnessing a dramatic shift toward prioritizing security through force,⁣ even as human rights ‍concerns mount.

The embrace of these policies reflects​ a deepening crisis of insecurity ‌plaguing Latin‍ America, where powerful criminal organizations – drug cartels,‌ gangs, and increasingly sophisticated criminal networks – are challenging state authority and terrorizing populations. Citizens, frustrated⁣ by endemic violence and perceived government inaction, are increasingly demanding a forceful response, creating political space for leaders ​willing to​ implement hardline measures.⁣ This trend, while offering a short-term sense of security for some, risks exacerbating cycles of violence ‌and ⁢eroding democratic institutions.

The situation in ​Ecuador dramatically illustrates ‌the trend. In January 2024,President Daniel Noboa declared a 60-day state of emergency in response to⁢ escalating violence linked to drug trafficking​ organizations,including attacks on police and ​the kidnapping of prison officials. This declaration allowed⁤ the‌ military to deploy throughout the country and conduct operations against criminal groups, ⁤resulting in ⁣clashes and numerous arrests. Similar measures are being considered⁢ in other nations grappling with cartel activity.

mexico, long battling cartel ​violence, has also seen a resurgence of⁤ “mano dura” tactics. ​President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, despite⁤ initial rhetoric emphasizing addressing the root causes of crime, ​has increasingly relied on the National Guard and the ‍military to combat drug trafficking and violence, especially in states like Michoacán and Guerrero. In Apatzingán, michoacán, residents have formed self-defense groups, frustrated with the lack of government protection, and are demanding greater military presence.

“We are tired of living in fear,” said a resident of Apatzingán who requested anonymity, reflecting a sentiment echoed across the⁣ region. “The government has failed to ⁣protect us, so we have to protect ourselves.”

The ‌appeal of “mano dura” extends beyond Mexico and Ecuador. In Honduras, President Xiomara Castro has implemented states of emergency in several regions, suspending⁢ certain⁢ constitutional rights and increasing ⁢police powers. El Salvador, ⁣under President Nayib Bukele, has become ⁢a poster child for ‌the policy, with‌ mass⁤ arrests⁢ and the⁢ construction of a mega-prison that holds tens of thousands of suspected gang members. While Bukele’s policies have demonstrably reduced homicides, they have also been widely criticized for due process violations and human rights abuses.

Experts warn ⁣that while ‌these policies may offer‌ temporary relief, they often fail to ⁤address the underlying ‌causes of crime, such as poverty, ⁢inequality, and corruption. They also risk fueling further ⁤violence by provoking retaliation from criminal organizations and increasing the risk of state-sponsored abuses.

“‘Mano dura’ is a seductive but ultimately flawed response to a‍ complex problem,” said security analyst Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, a professor at George ​Mason University. “It may temporarily suppress violence, but‍ it does not address the root causes and can ⁢even exacerbate the problem in⁣ the long run.”

The long-term consequences of this regional shift toward “mano dura” remain to be seen. Though, the growing reliance ⁤on militarization⁣ and repression raises serious concerns about the future of democracy and​ human rights in Latin America, and the potential for escalating cycles of violence.

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