The Evolving Landscape of Care Work in Mexico city & Beyond
For over eight years, a program originating from the Mexico City Secretary of Labour adn Employment Promotion – then led by current Senator Amalia García Medina – has fostered the development of self-reliant caregiver cooperatives, spurred by the advocacy of feminist activists. Initially conceived as an employment program offering income opportunities, the initiative provided training for “primary caregivers” – individuals, often family members like sisters, aunts, daughters, and mothers – who provide care for children under six, elderly relatives, and people with disabilities. However, the program’s momentum was significantly disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic.
The training itself encompassed a semester of complete instruction, covering practical skills like first aid and medication administration, alongside socio-cultural enrichment through readings and activities like board games, all aimed at equipping caregivers to provide robust social support.
This effort aligns with a broader movement to recognize care as a essential right. Advocates successfully enshrined the right to care and be cared for, including self-care, in the Mexico City Constitution in 2017, specifically acknowledging domestic and care work as productive, even when unpaid. Following this constitutional recognition,women’s groups began training initiatives in various municipalities in 2018.
The pandemic in 2020, however, forced a shift in strategy. While many mapped women’s groups dissolved, care work continued, adapting to new realities. The crisis highlighted existing forms of violence against women and prompted the development of remote support systems and alternative care strategies, emphasizing both physical and emotional wellbeing.
while initial support came from organizations like Indesol, that backing largely dissipated, leaving the work primarily sustained by civil society. This period also saw a rise in private caregiver and nursing agencies, alongside an increase in online training courses.
The roots of this movement extend beyond Mexico City.Organizations like Citizenship in Movement (CIMIGE AC) in Zacatecas, a member of the National Feminist Front (FFN) - present in 25 states – have been working as 2012 to address the needs of an aging population, particularly in states experiencing male emigration for work. CIMIGE AC focused on training primary caregivers for four years and continues to promote training for activists on policy, public budgeting, and citizen oversight.
Mayra Guadalupe Niño emphasizes the universal need for care, pointing to the demographic reality of Mexico’s aging population. She anticipates a growing demand for support services for individuals aged 80 and over, including assistance with cleaning, food preparation, medication management, and memory support due to cognitive decline.
Sara Lovera articulates the core arguments driving this movement: recognizing unpaid care work predominantly performed by women, establishing care as a human right, and demanding state responsibility through dedicated public policy – a need currently unmet due to a lack of budgetary allocation and specific programs.
Despite the policy gaps, civil society organizations are stepping in to fill the void. Platforms like Fondo Semillas,Ojos que senten,Foods for All,Vida Plena,and Colonia Juvenil connect individuals with specialized caregivers,demonstrating a growing network of support for those requiring care.
