A recommendation, in the middle of this interview, makes the vice president of the PPD Francisco Vidal. From the other side of the camera of his computer, he shows the new book by former president Ricardo Lagos –My life. Memories II– and says: “The information it gives is impressive, the things we had to go through. I’m already finishing it ”.
Whoever was its government spokesman and Minister of the Interior maintains that, precisely, the opposition must talk about its past and the years of the Concertación in order to be able to open up their differences and begin to look to a future in which, according to him, they could even govern all together, from DC to the Broad Front. However, on whether he could be a presidential letter to lead the project, Vidal is cautious and, “for now”, discards it.
-Why has the opposition not been able to capitalize on the little support from the government?
-The government and the right are in great weakness, and that constitutes, therefore, a mission of the opposition, which is to interpret that majority that rejects the government and the right. If we do it well, everything indicates that the next government should be from the center-left; if not, a vacuum is generated, which is what we see today.
-But where do they fail?
-What happens is that October and the pandemic stripped the country. So people tell us opponents that we have a responsibility. And being prosecuted for shared responsibility is part of the cost of our future transformation. We have to make ourselves credible again.
-But the Frente Amplio (FA) was not part of the governments of the Concertación and the Nueva Mayoría (NM). Have they been able to capitalize?
-The numbers do not show that. No opposing force is above 10% positive evaluation, or 15%.
– You have said that there are six blocks in the center-left. What does it take to unite these worlds?
– It is necessary to conceive that the essential identity, which is what leads you to have six oppositions today, must be subordinate, not disappeared, to a higher objective. That is to respond to the majority of citizens. History teaches a lot, and against Pinochet we were 17 identities, but we agreed on a higher objective.
-But against Pinochet there was a specific objective. Is that missing?
-Clear. What happens is that the dilemma “Yes” or “No” was binary, but after those fourteen identities we agreed on a common program with Patricio Aylwin. There are lessons that legitimate identities can be subordinated.
-Lack of pragmatism?
-Lack of will and listen more.
-The FA has been seen opening up to talk with the former NM. Why do you think they are taking that turn?
-It is political maturity. The own path of the Frente Amplio is condemned to be a testimony and not lead to a new situation. It is a sign of maturity. The FA did very well in the last election with its candidate, so there was the temptation of one’s own path. But with 20% in the presidential office, you do not govern or respond to citizen demand.
– And what is it that continues to prevent the meeting between the former NM and the FA?
-What stresses the FA and the PC with us is a different view of the 20 years of the Concertación. So, an effort of dialogue is to explain the lights and shadows of the Concertación.
-But there must be some guilt also in the former NM …
-The self-criticism that I make is that suddenly the necessary identity does not talk with the essential extension. Here we do enter pragmatism, because there is no progressive force that alone can lead the country. Identity has to converse with the search for a unity that allows you to succeed.
-Is a presidential primary of the entire opposition feasible?
-It is ideal, but it will depend on unity in the constituency, mayors and regional governors. That said, there are two opposition forces that have natural leadership, which is Daniel Jadue and Beatriz Sánchez. That leadership does not exist today in DC or in the Progressive Convergence.
-And can Jadue lead the sector?
-Jadue is a very good candidate. In some polls, he appears with 15% of the intention to vote, and that means tripling the historical vote of the CP post 90. So, Jadue’s accession is interpreting beyond the CP. That is a challenge for us.
-But does your figure stress you?
– His candidacy does not stress me at all, what worries me is that we do not have leadership like Jadue.
– Is a unity government possible between the former NM and the FA?
-Not only is it possible, a government between the former NM and the FA is desirable. You also have to bring in regionalists, progressives, and communists.
-And how do you avoid repeating the experience of the former NM, where some sectors were even unaware of the program?
-First, forcing party presidents to read it. Second, take an exam. And third, go in line before a notary to sign that they comply. There you have the three conditions (laughs).
-Who could lead it?
-Today I do not see anyone who can lead a government of unity of the opposition.
-You have support in polls. What have you thought about your future?
-All my political will is to seek content agreements, which is where we must promote a social state of law and change subsidiarity for a principle of solidarity.
-And being a presidential candidate?
-It is not that I have not thought about it, what happens is that when you are 66 years old, you have been in La Moneda for eight, you have learned from life, anxiety is the worst enemy of political maturity.
-You have competed only for councilor. Are you never going to an election again?
-My party has explicitly asked me to be a candidate for regional governor of the Metropolitan. And, with the end of re-election, an opportunity opens up in the Metropolitan Senate, because Girardi must be replaced. The universe is wide.
-So, you rule out a presidential candidacy?
-I rule it out for now. Let’s leave my future waiting.
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